Robert H. Jackson

22830 Thadds Trail

Spring, TX   77373

 

A Survey of Demographic Patterns in the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay

 

            Rosseau, Roland Jaffe, and the Berrigan brothers all shared an interest or even an obsession with the Jesuit missions of what I call greater Paraguay (parts of Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil), although the interests were at the same time somewhat different. In his novel Candide, Rosseau placed his protagonist in an idealized and exaggerated version of the utopian-like missions. Jaffe and the Berrigan brothers collaborated  on the 1986 Hollywood film “The Mission,” that loosely interpreted the events surrounding the Guarani War of the mid-1750s, involving the missions.

            The Jesuit missions of Paraguay have captivated and captured popular and scholarly attention and interest for more than two centuries, yet there is still much not known about the history of the missions and particularly the experiences of the Guarani who lived on the missions. There have been significant advances in the study of the missions in recent years, particularly in the areas of socio-cultural history.[1] One aspect that has not been adequately studied is demographic patterns in the missions, particularly in light of recent advances in the study of historic populations, in methods, sources, and comparative approaches. [2]

            This essay outlines the demographic history of the Jesuit missions of Paraguay, and builds upon previous studies while offering new insights, methods of analysis, specifically inversion projection using the microcomputer program “Populate,” as well as a comparative approach that places the findings for the Paraguay establishments within the context of patterns for missions on the north Mexican frontier. This essay first discusses sources, and this is followed by a chronological survey of discrete periods in the history of the populations of the missions, vital rates, and the age and gender structure. The conclusion offers comparative insights.

            Sources and Approaches

            Two sets of sources are generally employed in demographic studies of historic populations. They are population counts and registers of baptisms, burials, and marriages. Only fragments of two registers survive for the Jesuit missions. The first is a short run of baptisms covering the years 1754-1763 from Santa Rosa mission, as well as the early years of the nineteenth century. The second is a run of baptisms and burials for San Francisco de Borja from the 1790s to the second decade of the nineteenth-century. These records document social practices and demographic patterns in the period following the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768, and of the Portuguese conquest of the seven missions located east of the Uruguay River.

            The lack of sacramental registers does not pose a serious problem for the study of the demographic history of the Jesuit missions, since detailed censuses survive. There are two types of censuses. The first is the numeracion annual that summarized the vital statistics of the missions including the size of the populations, as well as the number of baptisms/births, burials, and marriages recorded on the year. These data can be used to reconstruct crude birth and death rates that are important indicators of change over time in a population. However, yearly totals of burials do not adequately document epidemic mortality. In previous studies of epidemics using burials registers, I have broken down the number of deaths into monthly totals, which more accurately identifies the onset and duration of an outbreak of contagion. The San Francisco de Borja burial register mentioned above documents one epidemic, and I base my analysis of the outbreak on a breakdown of deaths by month.

            The purpose for the preparation of a census is always important to know, in order to understand possible deficiencies in a population count. For example, young men might be inclined to avoid being counted in a census prepared to identify potential conscripts for military service. Only death and taxes are inevitable, and governments prepared many censuses for tax purposes. Native peoples living under Spanish rule paid tributo (a poll tax), including the Guarani living on the Paraguay missions. The Spanish government prepared and maintained voluminous tribute censuses, and some of these counts (padrones) survive. The padrones contain a wealth of information on the mission populations. The censuses divide the mission populations into the  cacicasgos that the mission residents belonged to as late as the early 1840s, more than seventy years following the expulsion of the Jesuits and transfer of the missions to the control of civil administrators. The cacicasgos were the social-political jurisdictions within the missions, and the Guarani caciques were the headmen who governed the mission populations. The censuses also divide the mission populations into family groups, and the analysis of the size of families provides clues as to whether or not a population was growing, or was in decline. I have analyzed a number of the detailed censuses, but the most valuable by far is the 1759 count of Corpus Christi mission.[3] The Jesuits included the date of birth of each mission resident, as well as the place of origin for those born outside of the mission. This allows for an accurate reconstruction of the age structure of the population at one point in time. Moreover, information on the place of origin of the Guarani provides clues to marriage patterns. The vast majority of men from Corpus Christi married women from the same community, even though there were several missions nearby with large pools of potential wives.

            At the height of the missions in the eighteenth-century, the Jesuits organized the thirty missions into two districts. The first comprised the mission communities on both sides of the Parana River. These were San Ignacio Guazu, La Fe, Santa Rosa, Santiago, Encarnacion de Ytapua, Candelaria, San Cosme y Damian, Santa Ana, Loreto, San Ignacio Mini, Corpus Christi, Jesus, and Trinidad. The second were the missions located on both sides of the Uruguay River. This group of missions included San Jose, San Carlos, Los Santos Aposteles, Concepcion, Santa Maria la Mayor, San Francisco Xavier, Los Santos Martires de Japon, San Nicolas, San Luis Gonzaga, San Lorenzo Martir, San Miguel, San Juan Bautista, Santo Angel Custodio, San Thome, San Francisco de borja, La Cruz, and Yapeyu.

The Early Spanish Period to 1609

            The Spanish first attempted to colonize the Rio de la Plata region in the 1530s. A failed effort to establish a community at Buenos Aires was followed by an exodus to the interior, and the establishment of Asuncion in 1537, among the Guarani. Scholars frequently engage in what I call the “numbers game,” efforts to make educated guesses of the size of native populations at first contact and the degree of decline from the point of contact to the time when civil or religious officials enumerated the size of the native populations under Spanish rule. Scholars have suggested that the Guarani population numbered as many as 1,000,000 when the Spanish arrived in the Rio de la Plata in the 1530s, and declined to 141,000 in the early 1730s.[4] Moreover, Reff suggests that in the late 1630s as many as two-thirds of the Guarani had fallen captive to the bandeirantes, slave traders from  Sao Paulo.[5]

            Epidemics periodically spread among the Guarani populations following the arrival of the Spaniards in the 1530s. Sources record instances of high mortality caused by smallpox, measles, and other maladies. Epidemics reportedly killed hundreds if not thousands of Guarani living in encomiendas or the mission communities established by Franciscans.[6] However, the demographic record is incomplete, and these early epidemics occurred at a time when church records and particularly registers of baptisms and burials are not available. Several issues remain to be resolved regarding the early demographic history of the Rio de la Plata. The first is the extent to which epidemics spread among the native populations. Extensive trade networks throughout the region would facilitate the spread of disease, but the geographic extent of epidemics is still difficult to assess. The second question is the level of rebound following epidemic outbreaks, or whether or not births made up for the losses from epidemics and if so in what period of time.

1609-1641

            In 1609, the Jesuits established San Ignacio Guazu in southeastern Paraguay, the first mission in the Rio de la Plata region. The Franciscans already operated mission communities such as Yaguaron in the region, but mostly among Guarani in encomiendas. Over the next several decades the Jesuits established several dozen missions to the east in the region between the Parana and Uruguay Rivers, and in the Iguazu, Tape and Guaira regions of what today is Brazil. The Jesuits targeted Guarani communities outside the range of encomiedas in Paraguay. In 1626-1627, there were six missions in the Parana district with 8,150 tributaries, eight in Guaira with 19,780 tributaries, and five in Tape.[7]

            In the 1630s, however, raids by the bandeirantes from Sao Paulo forced the Jesuits to abandon the missions in Iguazu, Guaira, and Tape, and they relocated a number of them to the region between the Parana and Uruguay Rivers. [8] Thousands of Guarani fell captive to the slave raiders, others evacuated with the Jesuits, and thousands more died from disease that moved with the fugitives. An epidemic spread through the missions located east of the Uruguay River in the years 1634-1636, and killed 5,563 people living on seven missions. A total of 1,800 died at Asuncion de Acaragua, 1,115 at Jesus Maria, 1,142 at Santa Ana, 950 at San Cristoval, 900 at Santa Teresa, 340 at Santa Maria, and 316 at Yapeyu.[9] The Jesuit records do not provide precise population figures for this period. Data are available for the Tape missions located east of the Uruguay River. The Black Robes recorded a total of 12,900 families at eleven missions, a total of 11,000 under the category of almas or souls at three missions, and the number of Christians on six missions which represented the total population of converts, but did not include recently congregated Guarani. The number of souls totaled 3,000 at San Jose, 5,000 at Candelaria, and 3,000 at Asuncion de Aracagua. The number of Christians was 1,600 at San Juaquin, 1,200 at Santa Teresa, 1,600 at San Cosme y Damian, 6,000 at San Thome, 5,700 at San Pedro, San Pablo, and 4,900 at San Javier.[10]

            The populations of the Jesuits missions were in flux during the 1630s, during the exodus from the eastern reaches of the mission territory in Guaira, Iguazu, and Tape, and as the bandeirantes pushed westward in their quest for slaves already congregated in large communities in the missions. The Jesuits received minimal support from local colonial officials, and took matters into their own hands by organizing a militia among the refugees fleeing the slave traders. In 1641, the mission militia scored a notable victory over the bandeirantes at the battle of Mborore, located on the Uruguay River. The threat posed by the Paulistas resided, and the missions were now concentrated in the district between the Uruguay and Parana Rivers and west of the Parana River achieved stability.

1641-1730

In the ninety years following the defeat of the Paulistas at Mborore, the mission populations experienced growth that only slowed as a result of periodic epidemics, and the Jesuits increased the number of mission communities and after 1680 advanced once again east of the Uruguay River into Tape, the district in what today is the Brazilian state Rio Grande do Sul that they had been forced to abandon by the bandeirantes in the 1630s. In 1641/1643, the population of the Jesuit missions totaled 36,190 in twenty mission communities. Towards the end of the century in 1682, the numbers stood at 61,083, and grew to 86,173 in 1700. Much of this growth resulted from natural reproduction, and there were further congregations of non-Christians, although these numbers were most likely low (see Appendix).

In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the Jesuits expanded the number of missions by creating new communities with populations from existing missions, and relocated existing missions to new sites. In the southeast of Paraguay, the Jesuits relocated Santiago from Guaira in 1659, and created the new missions of Jesus de Tavarange (1685), Santa Rosa (1698), and Trinidad (1706). The Jesuits also moved back to the region east of the Uruguay River. The initial movement occurred with the relocation of two existing missions San Nicolas and San Miguel. The Black Robes established five new communities with Guarani from existing missions. They were San Francisco de Borja (1687), San Luis Gonzaga (1687), San Lorenzo Martir (1690) established with Guarani from Santa Maria la Mayor, San Juan Bautista (1698) with part of the population of San Miguel, and Santo Angel Custodio (1707).[11]

The creation of new mission communities responded to two issues. One was the rising population of some missions as measured against the ability of mission agriculture to provide enough food to feed all of the neophytes. In 1682, for example, the population of Santa Maria la Mayor already totaled 5,171, and the mission was located in an area with several other missions in close proximity which could have in the long run contributed to pressure on food supplies. The second reason for the creation of new missions was geopolitical. In 1680, the Portuguese established Colonia do Sacramento in the Banda Oriental, near modern Montevideo, Uruguay. By relocating and establishing new missions east of the Uruguay River, the Jesuits established Spanish claims to sovereignty over the hinterland of the Banda Oriental, and isolated Colonia do Sacramento from Portuguese territory to the north.

Between 1682 and 1732, the population of the missions more than doubled from 61,083 reported in the first year, and 141,242 in the second. This growth in mission populations stands in marked contrast to patterns on the missions in northern Mexico, where most native populations living on missions declined., and experienced growth only through the congregation of non-Christians on the missions. This pattern of rapid growth raises interesting questions regarding how the demography of the Guarni mission populations fits into larger patterns for the Americas. Did this growth reflect the recovery of the Guarani populations following more than a century of decline resulting from disease and other factors? Scholars have shown population growth in native populations during the eighteenth-century in central Mexico, the Andean region, and even frontier areas such as New Mexico, following decline in the aftermath of the arrival of the Spanish. The prevailing model is of decline from contact through the seventeenth or even the eighteenth centuries, followed by growth during the late colonial period. Establishing this model for the Guarani is difficult because of the paucity of sources for the early period following the establishment of Asuncion, and the fact that the Jesuits established missions among Guarani populations not already enrolled in encomiendas, and in some instances hundreds of miles away from Spanish settlements. Disease may have spread along trade routes to these Guarani communities, but there is little or no evidence one way or the other to establish that the Guarani eventually congregated on the Jesuit missions experienced decline after the 1530s, although this is plausible.

The period of growth abruptly ended in the 1730s, with a series of epidemics that culled the mission populations. Recovery began in the 1740s, but a political crisis in the 1750s plunged the missions, particularly those east of the Uruguay River, into further decline. The following section examines the demographic crises in the Jesuits missions in the 1730s and 1750s, and patterns up to the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768.

1730-1768: Crisis and Decline

 

. A series of epidemics in the 1730s spread through the region, and caused short term declines in the populations of many of the missions. During the decade there were epidemics in 1733, 1735-1736, and 1738-1740. The epidemics spread along established trade routes, and when large numbers of people were on the move and carried infection in their bodies. The Jesuit missions of Paraguay participated in regional trade, and the coming and goings of people and goods facilitated the spread of contagion. The larger Rio de la Plata region was also a contested borderland, and thousands of Guarani militia from the missions participated in periodic campaigns against the Portuguese or were mobilized for military action against the Paraguay colonists in the so-called Comunero Revolt. Royal officials mobilized the Guarani militia in the mid-1730s for possible action against the Portuguese in the disputed borderlands during a period of undeclared warfare that lasted until 1737. Moreover, the 1720s and 1730s, the region also witnessed civil disorder in Paraguay known as the Comunero Revolt. In response to the outbreak of civil war royal officials also mobilized Guarani militiamen. The movement of goods within the region, the mobilization of thousands of Guarani militiamen, and the movement of troops created conditions ideal for the spread of highly contagious crowd diseases such as smallpox and measles.

Many scholars assume that the native peoples of the Americas had no natural immunities to the Old World diseases introduced into North and South America after 1492, and that the survivors of outbreaks acquired a degree of immunity. However, there is no evidence to support this assumption, and reference to demographic patterns in early modern Europe helps place the affects of epidemics on the native peoples into context.[12] Epidemics of smallpox, measles, bubonic plague, and other maladies swept through Europe’s populations, and killed both adults and children. These epidemics usually occurred once a generation when there were enough potential hosts for the pathogens to spread and sustain the contagion, and then faded away. Moreover, disease killed thousands of young children every year, and respiratory ailments killed the young and old during the colder months of the year. However, the periodic epidemics and chronic ailments only slowed population growth, and the European populations recovered following the periodic mortality crises and during most of the early modern period experience slow to moderate growth.

The timing and trajectory of the 1733 measles outbreak suggest that it may have traveled northward from Buenos Aires along the Parana River and Uruguay River following established trade routes, and/or with the return of thousands of Guarani militiamen from service Paraguay. In 1733, the heaviest mortality was in the missions in what today is southeastern Paraguay, including San Ignacio Guazu, Nuestra Senora de la Fe that experienced the largest number of deaths among the thirty missions with a total of 2,618 on the year, Santa Rosa, and Ytapua. Several of the missions located east of the Parana River also experienced high mortality, including Loreto and Santa Ana. Mortality was not as high among the missions along and east of the Uruguay River, with the exceptions of La Cruz and San Luis Gonzaga.

A second epidemic spread through the region in 1735 and 1736, although total mortality was not as high as in 1733. The epidemic appears to have been localized. The highest mortality was in two clusters of missions. One was centered on Loreto, which experienced the largest number of deaths of all of the missions on the year with a total of 1,321. Other missions affected included San Cosme, Santa Ana, San Ignacio Mini, Corpus Christi, and San Jose. There were smaller numbers of deaths at neighboring missions. The second cluster of missions was located on both sides of the Uruguay River, in close proximity to each other. This group included Santa Maria la Mayor, San Francisco Xavier, San Nicolas with a total of 726 deaths, and San Luis, and again with lesser number of deaths at several neighboring missions including Martires and San Lorenzo Martir.

The third epidemic during the decade identified as smallpox broke out between 1738 and 1740. The heaviest mortality was in 1738, but the continuation of large numbers of deaths into 1739 and 1740 suggests that the contagion first spread through the western part of the mission region and then to the eastern part of the mission region at the end of 1739 and into the first months of 1740, summer in the Rio de la Plata region which is when epidemics would be most likely to occur. The contagion struck all three mission communities located on the west bank of the Uruguay River in what today is Corrientes, but did not cross over the river to San Francisco de Borja located on the east bank of the river opposite Santo Thome, which suggests the implementation of quarantine measures. Among these three missions the largest number of deaths was at La Cruz, where 1,605 died in 1739 and another 186 in 1740.[13] The number of deaths at the neighboring missions Yapeyu and Santo Thome was lower, showing variation in mortality from mission to mission. The epidemic killed 1,279 at Santa Maria la Mayor and lesser numbers of people at Martires and Concepcion, all located on or near the Uruguay River. These mission communities may have suffered higher losses in the previous year as well.   

The contagion killed the largest number of people in the mission communities located east of the Uruguay River, and even here the spread of the epidemic was limited to four of the seven mission communities located east of the river. A total of 1,708 people died at San Nicolas, the westernmost of the missions, 2,445 at San Luis, and 2,681 at San Lorenzo located east of San Luis. The contagion apparently arrived at San Juan Bautista at the end of 1739, and 376 died on the year at that mission. However, most of the victims of the epidemic at San Juan Bautista died in the early months of 1740, and 2,400 died on the year at the mission. Interestingly, the epidemic did not kill many people at the last two and easternmost of the missions.   At Santo Angel Custodio mission 258 died in 1739, and mortality at San Miguel was within normal ranges in both years.

How did epidemics change the populations and social organization of the missions, beyond the simple reduction in numbers? A detailed 1735 census for Trinidad mission provides clues.[14] In 1731, the population of Trinidad totaled 3,569 and 3,598 in 1733 before the epidemic hit the community. The 1733 epidemic killed nearly half the population of the mission, and in 1735 only 1,837 remained. However, the population of the mission rebounded following the series of epidemics in the 1730s, and stood at 2,680 in 1756 and 2,558 in 1767. The contagion claimed the lives of Guarani across the full spectrum of the mission society including the families of the caciques, and there was a degree of generational change in leadership in the mission. Five  caciques listed in 1735 were young boys under the age of ten who replaced parents who died during the epidemic. The epidemic also destroyed families as evidenced by a large number of orphans (154) and widows (101). Moreover, the census recorded many fugitives (109), primarily males, as well as women (43) abandoned or left in the mission by their fugitive husbands. The fugitives left the mission most likely to avoid military service, but also to escape the epidemic.

The epidemic reduced the number of large families at Trinidad with three or more children. In 1735, 888 (58 percent) people were grouped in families with a size of two or three, meaning either a married couple or a couple with one child. These small families constituted seventy-three percent of all families at the mission. In contrast, there were only fifty families (six percent) with three or more children, or eighteen percent of the population grouped into families. A 1759 census for Santa Ana places the data for Trinidad into context.[15] In 1731, Santa Ana had a population of 4,527, but this dropped to 3,716 in 1733. The numbers rebounded, and stood at 5,040 in 1756 and 5,141 in 1759. A total of thirty-one percent of the families at Santa Ana had three children or more, and as many as seven children. This was forty-seven percent of the people grouped in families. The population of Santa Ana had recovered from the epidemics of the 1730s, and was growing robustly as evidence by the large number of families with three or more children. The profile of the Santa Ana population in 1759 was similar to the structure of the mission populations prior to the epidemics.

The epidemics during the 1730s claimed the lives of thousands of Guarani, and the populations of most of the missions dropped. The total population of the thirty missions dropped from 141,242 in 1732 to 73,910 in 1740, following the final epidemic. However, the populations of the missions in the Rio de la Plata recovered. The recovery or rebound of the Guarani populations demonstrates a major difference from the indigenous populations living on missions on the northern frontier of Mexico. The Guarani populations were high fertility and high mortality populations, similar to contemporary European populations. Birth and death rates were high and population growth low to moderate. Epidemics slowed or stopped population growth, but the population did recover.

Crude birth rates recorded per thousand population were generally higher than death rates except in epidemic years (see appendix), and without economic or social constraints the Guarani population grew robustly. The periodic mortality crises culled the population and slowed growth, but the numbers generally rebounded. In examining the global figures for the thirty missions, there were four major mortality crises (x3 regular mortality) in the years for which data are available. These were in 1733, 1738, 1739, and 1764. Major epidemic outbreaks not only raised death rates, but also tended to lower birth rates or the rates of life births. On average, Guarani living in the missions lived between twenty and thirty years from birth, but mean life expectancy at birth dropped as a result of major epidemics.[16] 

An examination of crude birth and death rates at the individual missions demonstrates the strength and also variation in mortality levels during the epidemics in the 1730s as well as the geographic spread of contagion and patterns of fertility and mortality in non-epidemic years. I examine here data for 1733, 1736, 1739, 1740, 1741, and 1745.  In 1733, there was elevated mortality and death rates in excess of 100 per thousand population at nine of the thirty missions, with the highest at 174.5/thousand at La Cruz on the Uruguay River which was three times normal mortality. Death rates were elevated and higher than birth rates at another eleven missions. Crude death rates at these communities ranged between 50 and 99 per thousand population. Mortality was high throughout most of the mission region, the epidemic centered on the establishments on both sides of the Uruguay River. The 1735-1736 epidemic appears to not have been as severe as the 1733 outbreak, and in 1736 the contagion only affected a handful of missions. Highest death rate of 239.2/thousand population was at Loreto, and it was 169.8/thousand at neighboring San Ignacio. Mortality was also elevated at San Cosme, across the Parana River from Loreto and San Ignacio, and Corpus Christi close to San Ignacio. Death rates were high at San Carlos and San Jose, at Santa Maria La Mayor, San Francisco Xavier, and San Nicolas on the Uruguay River.

The smallpox epidemic of 1738-1740 was a severe mortality crisis. The record of births and burials is not available for 1738, but there are data for the next two years. The heaviest mortality in 1739 centered on the missions located between the Parana and Uruguay Rivers, and several of the missions east of the Uruguay River. This spatial distribution of burials suggests that mortality in 1738 would have been heaviest in the missions located west and northwest of the Parana River, the southeastern districts of modern Paraguay. The contagion most likely spread to the missions from Paraguay. Crude death rates ranged between 100 and 200 per thousand population at three missions, including Trinidad located near the western bank of the Parana. It was 230.8/thousand at San Thome on the west bank of the Uruguay River, which was between x4-x5 normal death rates. Deaths were extremely high at five missions, and as high as x9-x10 or higher normal mortality. The CDR reached 336.8/thousand or nearly 34 percent of the population at San Nicolas, 416.6/thousand at la Cruz, and 565.4/thousand, 565.1/thousand, and 556.9/thousand respectively at Santa Maria la Mayor, San Luis Gonzaga, and San Lorenzo Martir. In other words, more than 50 percent of the population of the three communities died during the course of the year.  The bulk of deaths occurred in the mission communities along both sides of the Uruguay River, and east of the river.

Mortality returned to normal levels and levels at which birth rates were higher than death rates and the mission populations began to grow again. The exceptions were La Cruz, where death rates were nowhere close to being as high as in 1739. Smallpox probably reached San Juan Bautista mission at the end of 1739, and devastated the mission population in the early moths of 1740. Death rates reached 485/thousand, or 48 percent of the population, and the numbers dropped from 4,949 in 1739 to 2,171. In the other missions the smallpox receded as the number of potential hosts dropped as the Guarani neophytes either died or recovered. In the following years the mission populations slowly recovered from the losses during the epidemics of the 1730s. Birth rates again outstripped death rates, and the mission populations slowly grew again.

The second crisis of the period resulted from the signing of the Treaty of Madrid in 1750, that attempted to establish colonial boundaries between Spain and Portugal in South America. One provision in the treaty stipulated the transfer of the Portuguese outpost Colonia do Sacramento, established in 1680 in what today is Uruguay, in exchange for some 500,000 square kilometers of territory in what today is Rio Grande do Sul and northern Uruguay. The territory to be ceded included the sites of the seven missions located east of the Uruguay River, as well as the extensive estancias of the seven missions and Yapeyu, La Cruz, and Santo Tome. The population of the seven missions that totaled 29,191 people was to be relocated to Spanish territory. Moreover, the Guarani neophytes were to be allowed to take their moveable property with them. If they had not moved within a year, they would become Portuguese subjects. A secret provision of the treaty stipulated that Spanish and Portuguese forces would collaborate in the expulsion of the Guarani if they resisted, and Spanish officials expected the Jesuit missionaries to convince the Guarani to relocate, and the Crown offered the Guarani leaders 28,000 pesos as compensation.[17]

The Guarani resisted the forced relocation, and faced two invasions by Spanish and Portuguese troops. In 1754, the Guarani forced the Spanish to withdraw from their lands, but experienced a major defeat in February of 1756 that allowed the Spanish-Portuguese expedition to occupy the missions. The Spanish-Portuguese army routed the Guarani militia at the battle of Caibate on February 10, 1756. The Spanish-Portuguese army suffered three deaths and ten wounded, compared to 1,511 Guarani killed and 154 captured. In the aftermath of the battle the Spanish-Portuguese army occupied the seven trans-Uruguay missions. The retreating Guarani abandoned San Miguel and San Luis Gonzaga, and left the principal buildings in flames. The Spanish occupied and used Santo Angel as the base of operations, and the Portuguese used San Juan Bautista.[18] Spain and Portugal later annulled the 1750 treaty, and Spain regained control over the seven missions. The mission villages suffered physical damage, and the invading Spanish-Portuguese army slaughtered cattle from the estancias to feed themselves.[19] Spain and Portugal went to war over the disputed Rio de la Plata borderlands in the 1760s after Spain abrogated the Treaty of Madrid, and only resolved the boundary disputes with the signing of the 1777 Treaty of San Ildefonso.  The uprising and the presence of Spanish and Portuguese troops on mission territory disrupted the functioning of the larger mission economy. Moreover, in the immediate aftermath of the Spanish-Portuguese occupation of the missions, the Guarani population dispersed. A 1756 census of the missions enumerated only 14,284 in the seven missions, down from some 29,000 at the beginning of the war.[20]

The Guarani uprising of the 1750s caused a wave of out-migration from the seven Trans-Uruguay River missions. Following the crushing of the uprising, the Spanish relocated some 12,000 Guarani neophytes to the missions located west of the Uruguay River. In the early 1760s, only about 15,000 Guarani lived in the seven missions following the return of the mission territory to Spain following the abrogation of the Treaty of Madrid.[21] Twice that number lived in the seven establishments in 1750. The Portuguese also relocated Guarani neophytes to Rio Grande do Sul, and settled the Guarani in several communities called aldeias, where they worked on nearby estancias.  One such community called Aldeia de Anjos, counted 3,500 residents in 1762, but the numbers declined to 2,563 in 1779, 1,362 in 1784, and 300 in 1814.[22]

Guarani neophytes also voluntarily migrated to the disputed borderland of the Banda Oriental (Uruguay), and established new communities that were independent of the Jesuits. One such community was called Las Viboras, and was first settled in 1758 following the suppression of the Guarani uprising, and about 1,500 people lived there in 1800. An analysis of 1,045 entries in the baptismal registers from Las Viboras for the years 1770-1811 provides evidence of the diverse origins of the Guarani residents of the community. The majority, 784 or seventy-five percent of the total, were children of neophytes who had once resided in the Jesuit missions. Others were from the Franciscan missions in southern Paraguay, and from other areas in the larger Rio de la Plata region. The residents of Las Viboras abandoned the community in 1846 as a result of an attack during a civil war in Uruguay.[23]

The populations of the other Jesuit missions recovered following the mortality crisis of the 1730s. In 1762, the numbers totaled 102,988. However, another smallpox epidemic in 1764 reduced the numbers again. The ongoing military campaign between the Spanish and Portuguese over control of Laguna de los Patos and Rio Grande do Sul that involved thousands of soldiers created conditions conducive to the spread of contagion in the region. The population dropped to 85,266 in 1765 in the year following the outbreak, but grew slightly over the next years. In 1768, when King Carlos lll ordered the expulsion of the Jesuits, the population of the missions totaled 88,864.

1768-1827

Following the expulsion of the Jesuits, the government appointed civil administrators to the mission communities. As Julia Sarreal suggests, the transition to civil administration caused a break-down in the Jesuit economic system that had shared resources among the communities, and the new economic system placed greater emphasis on production by each individual mission with little or no exchange between missions.[24] One aspect of the break down of the Jesuit system was out-migration from the ex-missions.

In the years immediately following the exodus of the Black Robes, out-migration occurred, but on a limited scale. In 1767, 88,796 Guarani reportedly lived in the thirty missions, and the number dropped to 80,891 five years later in 1772. The greatest drop occurred during the decades of the 1770s, and in 1783 56,092 Guarani still lived in the missions. The numbers stabilized somewhat in the 1780s and 1790s, but also fluctuated. In 1791, the population of the missions totaled 44,677, rose to 51,991 in 1793 although this figure also incorporated people who were still on the mission roster but were absent. In 1801, there reportedly were 45,637 in the missions.  

Another important cause for the decline was the physical destruction of many of the missions located in what today are Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil) and Misiones (Argentina) in the wars between Portugal, Argentina, and Paraguay over control of the borderlands of the Banda Oriental and neighboring areas in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. In 1801, during a war between Spain and Portugal, a Portuguese militia force occupied the seven missions located east of the Uruguay River, which had been returned to Spain following the Treaty of Madrid fiasco and the Guarani War.[25] The Portuguese distributed Guarani mission lands to settlers in grants called sesmarias.[26] The eastern missions served as a base of operations for Portuguese invasions of the region between the Uruguay and Parana Rivers during the turbulent decades of the 1810s and 1820s. Invasions occurred in 1811 and 1812, and again in 1817 and 1818. During this last invasion 3,190 people in Misiones died and 360 were taken prisoner, and the Portuguese sacked many of the missions. Moreover, a major battle occurred in early April of 1818 at San Carlos that resulted in massive damage to the church and associated buildings. The Paraguayans also attempted to assert sovereignty over the territory between the Parana and Uruguay Rivers, and occupied and sacked the mission communities along the eastern bank of the Parana River in 1817 such as San Ignacio, Santa Ana, Loreto, and Corpus Christi, among others.[27]

The Guarani abandoned many of the missions located in the war zone, and sought refuge elsewhere or were forcibly relocated. The odyssey of a group of Guarani residents of the seven mission communities east of the Uruguay River illustrates how refugees were caught up in the unsettled political conditions in the region. In 1828, during the last stages of the war between Argentina and Brazil over Uruguay, one Fructuoso Rivera sacked the seven trans-Uruguay missions, and took some 6,000 Guarani back to Uruguay where they established a new settlement on the Parana River called Santa Rosa de la Bella Union. The refugees remained at the site for five years, but were forced to flee following an attack on the settlement by the militia of the Colorado faction involved in  civil war in the region with the Blancos. A group of 860 originally from eleven missions established a new community called San Borja del Yi, and eventually the population of the town reached some 3,500. Of the 860 who settled San Borja de Yi, 139 came from San Francisco de Borja mission. Another 350 from the other six Trans-Uruguay River missions, and 371 from Yapeyu, La Cruz, Santo Tome, and Corpus Christi.[28] The missions located in what today is southeastern Paraguay did not experience violent destruction, and were not a part of the war zone. They continued to exist as autonomous native communities, until in 1848 when the Paraguayan dictator Carlos Antonio Lopez decreed the secularization of the communities, and the seizure of mission assets.[29]

An examination of the vital rates and the gender and age structures help explain the growth of the mission populations and recovery following epidemics, and particularly following the mortality crisis of the 1730s. I first examine fertility, mortality, and life expectancy.

Fertility, Mortality, Life Expectancy, Age and Gender Structure

How can we characterize the Guarani populations living on the missions? As I noted above,  the Guarni mission populations were high fertility and high mortality populations, similar to contemporary European populations. Guarani women bore children, and death rates were high. However, in most years birth raters were higher than death rates in years in which there were no epidemics. The mission populations grew at slow to moderate rates. Table A8 summarizes crude birth and death rates in 1741 and 1745 following the mortality crisis of the 1730s. In both years birth rates were higher than death rates, and the mission populations had begun to recover or rebound. Birth and death rates for the entire mission populations in selected years show again that in most years birth rates were higher than death rates, and in non-epidemic years the population grew (see Table A9).  The Jesuits did not radically transform or disrupt the way of life of the Guarani, as was the on the north Mexican missions. Moreover, the Jesuits preserved the social-political structure of the Guarani, and allowed the caciques considerable authority.

Mortality patterns also resembled European populations, with one exception. In non-epidemic years more young children died than adults. Although the censuses only use the term parvulo (generally young children under nine or ten years of age) to identify burials of children, most children probably died in the first year of life, or before reaching their fifth birthday. This was similar to mortality patterns in contemporary European populations. In epidemic years large numbers of both children and adults died, but generally more adults died. In 1733 and 1736, for example, 525 adults and 471 children and 779 adults and 542 children respectively died at Loreto mission. Similarly, in 1733 and 1739, 400 adults and 371 children and 1,655 adults and 1,026 children died respectively at San Lorenzo mission. The large number of adult burials during epidemics most likely reflected deaths of individuals born since the previous outbreak of contagion.

How long did the Guarani born on the missions live? Data on the total populations of the missions analyzed using the microcomputer program “Populate” calculates mean live expectancy at birth for the years 1690-1769 (see note #16) show that in non-epidemic years life expectancy averaged 26.8 years, and 5.9 years in epidemic years. This was in line with contemporary European populations. During the crisis of the 1730s life expectancy was 8.8 years for the 1730-1734 quinquennium, which included the 1733 epidemic. It was much lower in the late 1730s, at 0.2 years at birth. The 1760s was a second period of depressed life expectancy, It was 6.1 years at birth during the 1760-1764 quinquennium , and 8.3 in the following years.

The detailed padrones provide important clues to the structure of the mission populations, specifically indicators of whether or not a population was growing through natural reproduction. The most detailed census was a count of Corpus Christi mission prepared in 1759. There are many detailed mission censuses that divide the populations down into family groups, but the 1759 Corpus Christi census is unique in that the Jesuits also noted the date of baptism of the bulk of the population, that enables a reconstruction of the age structure of the population. The population totaled 4,530, plus another 112 identified as Guananas, most likely a group from the Chaco region, congregated on the mission in 1724, 1730, and 1754. The Guananas population at Corpus Christi has not been included in the analysis here, because the date of baptism of the adults, when given, does not translate into the date of birth as it does for the bulk of the population. The mission population evidenced a gender imbalance, with more females than males, 2,321 to 2,209. Moreover, women who reached an age of fifty or over outlived men. There were 206 men over the age of fifty, and only six over seventy. In contrast, there were 220 women over the age of fifty, and twenty over seventy.[30]

Data from the census shows that Corpus Christi was a relatively closed community as regards the selection of marriage partners. With the exception of a handful of women originally from the Chaco region and from neighboring missions, the vast majority of Guarani men at Corpus Christi married women from the mission. Corpus Christi men married eight Guanana women from among the groups congregated in 1724, 1730, and 1754, and one Abipone woman, also a Chaco group. Corpus Christi men also married eight women from neighboring missions: San Francisco de Borja 1; Loreto 2; Santa Rosa 1; San Carlos 1; Itapua 2; and San Ignacio 1. Guarani women generally married shortly after reaching puberty, in a range between the ages of twelve to sixteen- nineteen. Women bore numerous children, but gaps between living children who were generally born two years apart also indicates high infant mortality. Nevertheless, enough children, particularly girls, survived to puberty to form new families and contribute to the growth of the population.

The age structure of Corpus Christi shows the effects of the epidemics, including those in the 1730s, as manifested in age cohorts that were smaller than they should have been given the age structure of the mission. The age 20 to 24 and 25 to 29 cohorts were smaller than the cohorts before and after, showing losses during the epidemics of the 1730s. The 20 to 24 cohort among females was smaller than that of males, and both show losses from the smallpox epidemic that struck the region between 1738 and 1740. Similarly, the 1733 epidemic culled the population of young children, as reflected in a small age 25 to 29 cohort. The epidemic that broke out in 1738 was the strongest of the three during the decade, and the mission population recovered losses during the decade through natural reproduction. Another strong epidemic killed off large numbers of children of both sexes between 1714 and 1719, a smallpox outbreak in 1718.

The gender structure also explains the ability of the mission populations to grow. The Guarani mission populations had roughly equal numbers of or slightly higher more girls and women than boys and men. The Jesuits divided the missions administratively in the region of Paraguay into two groups: those clustered around the Parana River; and those located west and east of the Uruguay River. In 1724, the populations of both groups of missions evidenced a pattern of more girls and women than men. In the Parana missions there were 28,863 girls and women compared to 25,408 boys and men. Similarly, it was 33,107 females and 29,588 males in the Uruguay River establishments. In random populations there generally is a gender imbalance, with slightly more females than males. The disparity reflected, in part, migration by males from the missions. Interestingly, there were considerably more widows than widowers, with 2,980 and 3,880 of the first category and 109 and 236 of the latter in the two groups of missions. This last category of information highlights the importance of the cotiguazu, the separate residence for widows, as a social institution in the missions. The patterns were similar in 1740 and 1741, with more females than males and considerably more widows than widowers. [31] Moreover, data shows that the individual missions tended to have more females than males.

The Guarani missions had large pools of potential mothers, which was an important factor in the reproduction of the population. Moreover, the large size of the populations also meant that even with heavy mortality from epidemics enough potential mothers survived. The number of potential mothers was small in declining mission populations, and there was a gender imbalance with more males than females.[32] For example, between 1791 and 1832, the missionaries stationed at Santa Cruz mission in California  baptized 1,133 females, about half of all baptisms at the mission.  In 1832, the population of Santa Cruz totaled 284, but only 87 females. The level of the gender imbalance was unusual for populations, and explains the rapid decline of the native population. There simply were not enough women of child bearing age to offset high mortality, and particularly mortality among children and women.

Conclusions

In the first decades following the establishment of the first mission in 1609, the Jesuit establishments in Paraguay experienced a period of instability, and the threat of  slave raids by Paulistas. However, after the defeat of the Paulista at Moborore in 1641, the Jesuit missions of Paraguay experienced growth, largely through natural reproduction. Even though there were periodic epidemics, the mission populations recovered or rebounded and grew. Between 1641 and 1732, the numbers increased from 36,000 to 141,000. Birth and death rates show slow to moderate rates of growth, or even high growth in most years, except during outbreaks of epidemics. Death rates were high among children, but birth rates were consistently higher during non-epidemic years. The Guarani populations grew robustly. In 1768, King Carlos lll ordered the expulsion of the Jesuits, and civil administrators replaced the Black Robes. Some diaspora occurred, as Guarani left the missions to find jobs or to escape the violence and destruction from wars in the early nineteenth-century. However, the dispersal of the Guarani did not mean the demise of the population. Rather, the Guarani continued to constitute a significant part of the population of Paraguay, the Banda Oriental, and surrounding areas.

The vital rates of the mission populations were similar to contemporary European populations, but different from the populations of other frontier missions on the fringes of Spanish America. Unlike the Guarani missions, the missions of Baja California, California, northern Sonora, and Texas declined. Several factors contributed to this decline. For one, the Guarani missions had much larger populations, and in several instances totaled more than 7,000. The missions on the north Mexican frontier tended to be smaller. In the case of the California,  for example, the most populous mission counted somewhat more than 2,700 people. There were other important differences. Death rates tended to be higher than birth rates, and life expectancy low. Moreover, as already noted above, there were significant gender imbalances, with smaller number of females than males. The cause for this was higher death rates among women than men, and in particular inadequate care for pregnant and the effects of syphilis that spread through the native populations and damaged the health of women and unborn children. While Guarani populations survived the mission period as viable populations, the natives congregated on the missions of the north Mexican frontier, with several exceptions, did not.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix: Population of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay in Selected Years

 

Table A1: Total Population of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay

Year

Population

Year

Population

Year

Population

1641/43

36,190

1724

117,164

1750

 95,089

1647

28,714

1732

141,242

1755

104,483

1648

30,548

1733

128,389

1756

 89,536

1657

37,412

1734

116,250

1762

102,988

1667

43,753

1735

108,228

1765

 85,266

1668

47,088

1736

102,721

1767

 88,796

1676

53,298

1737

104,473

1768

 88,864

1677

58,118

1738

90,287

1772

 80,891

1678

55,125

1739

81,159

1783

 56,092

1682

61,083

1740

73,910

1784

 57,949

1700

86,173

1741

76,960

1791

 44,677

1702

89,500

1742

78,929

1793

 51,991

1717

121,168

1743

81,355

1801

 45,637

Source: “Reductions of Paraguay,” Catholic Encyclopedia, Internet File; Thomas Whigham, “Paraguay’s Pueblos de Indios: Echoes of a Missionary Past,” in Erick Langer and Robert H. Jackson, eds., The New Latin American Mission History (Lincoln, 1995), 168; Herencia Misionera, Internet site, url: www.herenciamisionero.com.ar/; Ernesto Maeder, “La poblacion de las misiones de Guaranies (1641-1682). Reubicacion de los pueblos y consecuencias demograficas,” Estudos Ibero-Americanos 15:1 (June 1989), 49-80; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997. (Quito, 1997), 45-57.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table A2: Population of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay, 1641-1702

Mission

1641/43

1647

1657

1667

1676

1682

Guasu

 998

1150

1327

1940

2326

2741

Itqpua

2199

1700

2292

2735

3094

3288

Candelaria

1490

1077

1471

2363

1991

1868

S Cosme

2100

1075

1376

 

1210

1283

S Ana

 850

 779

1024

1300

1352

1415

Loreto

1476

1700

1920

2089

2358

2772

S I Mini

1750

1708

2171

2439

2253

2441

S Carlos

2300

1701

2123

2714

3633

4420

S Jose

1441

1334

1268

 

 

2272

Corpus

1604

1300

1331

 

 

1350

Aposteles

1635

1144

3239

 

2158

3548

S Nicolas

1803

1854

3684

 

2921

3548

Concepcion

3665

1469

3275

 

6035

7014

S Javier

1442

1300

1604

 

2740

3029

La Mayor

2637

2000

2776

 

4378

5171

Martires

1040

1186

1278

 

1769

1980

S Miguel

1860

1165

2101

 

3830

3740

La Cruz

1300

1472

1514

 

2212

2251

San Tome

3000

1960

3494

 

5129

5243

Yapeyu

1600

1600

1828

 

2100

2477

Source: Ernesto Maeder, “La poblacion de las misiones de Guaranies (1641-1682). Reubicacion de los pueblos y consecuencias demograficas,” Estudos Ibero-Americanos 15:1 (June 1989), 49-80.  ,” ; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in   Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997 (Quito, 1997), 45-57; Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, S.J., Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies (Buenos Aires, 1962), 175-179; ; Thomas Whigham, “Paraguay’s Pueblos de Indios: Echoes of a Missionary Past,” in Erick Langer and Robert H. Jackson, eds., The New Latin American Mission History (Lincoln, 1995), 168; ; Pablo Hernandez, S.J., Organizacion social de las Doctrinas Guaranies de la Compania de Jesus, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1913), vol 2, 616-617.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table A3: Population of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay, 1702-1744

Mission

1702

1724

1731

1733

1735

1736

1738

1739

1740

1741

1744

Guasu

3700

3343

3195

1266

1631

1576

1846

1964

2018

2152

2231

La Fe

2739

5463

6515

4251

2465

2595

2701

2903

3086

3298

3593

S Rosa

4000

4742

6093

2775

1780

1671

1828

1916

1973

2031

2170

Santiago

3842

2720

3524

3479

3237

3740

3955

4081

4128

4276

4389

Itapua

4782

5357

6548

6396

4361

4650

2690

2591

2179

2106

2847

Candelaria

2596

2863

3317

3134

2990

3048

1511

1503

1441

1639

1764

S Cosme

1573

2120

2306

2145

2143

1531

1225

1236

1209

1094

1272

S Ana

2225

3600

4527

3716

4083

4055

4343

4397

4533

4505

4331

Loreto

4060

6113

7048

6077

5523

1937

2234

1756

2246

2422

2789

S I Mini

 

3138

4356

3959

3010

1808

1934

1849

1933

2076

2218

Corpus

2080

3584

4400

4008

2790

2190

1975

2667

2808

2922

3241

Trinidad

 

3140

3569

3598

1829

1733

1975

2149

2268

2047

2245

Jesus

1018

1947

2436

2241

2256

2204

1902

1962

1836

1850

1679

S Carlos

5355

3065

3388

3369

2400

3212

2377

1239

1140

1273

1404

S Jose

2594

3274

3720

3605

3473

3382

1392

1338

1390

1411

1594

Aposteles

3536

4140

5185

5267

3884

3716

1315

1341

1494

1582

1577

Concepcion

5653

4894

5848

5881

5920

6460

4234

1669

1944

2369

2296

Martires

2124

3343

3874

3665

3416

3396

3230

2777

2829

2839

2834

La Mayor

2869

3490

3902

3585

2903

2232

2262

 711

 819

 894

 993

S Javier

4117

3409

3813

3663

3494

2873

1876

1710

1789

1894

1895

S Nicolas

4090

6667

7690

7415

6986

6104

5071

1772

2194

2279

3107

S Luis

3354

5045

6149

5619

5305

4445

4327

1978

2308

2432

2868

S Lorenzo

4427

5224

6420

6100

5177

4405

4814

 974

1173

1311

1573

S Miguel

2197

3972

4904

4465

4019

4156

4522

4741

4740

4974

6611

S Juan

 

4629

4503

4968

4621

5110

5012

4949

2171

2525

2843

Stos Ang.

 

4052

4601

4925

4501

4336

4921

5163

5228

5199

4824

San Tome

3416

2949

3545

3494

2282

3211

2041

1699

1892

2063

2397

S Borja

 

2906

3629

3658

3584

3358

2998

3244

3291

3430

3814

La Cruz

3851

3615

4573

4345

4372

4304

3853

2167

2163

2314

2540

Yapeyu

 

4360

5666

5374

5106

5283

5410

5713

5687

5748

6187

Source: Ernesto Maeder, “La poblacion de las misiones de Guaranies (1641-1682). Reubicacion de los pueblos y consecuencias demograficas,” Estudos Ibero-Americanos 15:1 (June 1989), 49-80.  ,” ; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in   Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997 (Quito, 1997), 45-57; Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, S.J., Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies (Buenos Aires, 1962), 175-179; ; Thomas Whigham, “Paraguay’s Pueblos de Indios: Echoes of a Missionary Past,” in Erick Langer and Robert H. Jackson, eds., The New Latin American Mission History (Lincoln, 1995), 168; ; Pablo Hernandez, S.J., Organizacion social de las Doctrinas Guaranies de la Compania de Jesus, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1913), vol 2, 616-617.

 

 

 

Table A4: Population of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay, 1745-1785

Mission

1745

1750

1756

1759

1764

1767

1768

1772

1777

1784

1785

Guasu

2238

2251

2472

 

3139

2100

 

1655

 

 800

 867

La Fe

3796

4296

4853

 

4716

3300

4300

2294

 

 800

1062

S Rosa

2215

2524

3056

 

2031

2400

2522

2265

 

1200

1264

Santiago

4484

3968

4304

 

2712

3600

 

3585

 

2700

1215

Itapua

2969

3276

3789

 

4308

4600

4679

4505

 

2800

2889

Candelaria

1814

2031

2409

 

2817

3600

3687

3077

 

1700

1748

S Cosme

1325

1449

1632

 

2206

3300

3446

1709

 

1200

1111

S Ana

4214

4778

5040

5191

4001

4400

4497

5645

 

1700

1747

Loreto

2855

3276

4023

 

4937

3200

2912

2492

 

1300

1457

S I Mini

2297

2520

2773

4135

3074

3100

 

3738

 

 600

 798

Corpus

3364

3976

4773

4642

4280

4000

5093

4887

4121

2600

2574

Trinidad

2484

2629

2680

 

2946

2600

 

1477

 

1100

1097

Jesus

1722

1899

2074

 

2301

2900

 

2392

 

1200

1302

S Carlos

1595

1663

2024

 

 

 

 

1968

 

1200

 

S Jose

1669

2019

2310

 

 

 

 

2180

 

 

 

Aposteles

1728

2118

2522

 

 

 

 

2277

 

 

 

Concepcion

2192

2136

2912

 

 

 

 

2935

 

 

 

Martires

2847

3112

3217

 

 

 

1882

1724

 

 

 

La Mayor

1823

2128

2870

 

 

 

3084

1398

 

 

 

S Javier

1905

1968

1898

 

 

 

 

1655

 

1379

 

S Nicolas

3530

4255

 416

 

 

 

4194

3741

 

 

 

S Luis

2968

3037

3828

 

 

 

3510

3420

 

 

 

S Lorenzo

1563

1729

4459

 

 

 

 

1454

 

 

 

S Miguel

6675

6635

1035

 

 

 

3525

2118

 

1773

 

S Juan

2925

3221

3347

 

 

 

4106

3087

 

2388

 

Stos Ang

4818

 

2531

 

 

 

2687

2039

 

1986

 

San Tome

2498

2917

3042

 

 

 

 

2317

 

 

 

San Borja

3924

3435

1668

 

 

 

2761

2131

 

 

 

La Cruz

2656

2518

2982

 

 

 

3523

3402

 

 

 

Yapeyu

6147

6518

7597

 

 

 

 

3322

 

 

 

Source: Ernesto Maeder, “La poblacion de las misiones de Guaranies (1641-1682). Reubicacion de los pueblos y consecuencias demograficas,” Estudos Ibero-Americanos 15:1 (June 1989), 49-80.  ,” ; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in   Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997 (Quito, 1997), 45-57; Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, S.J., Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies (Buenos Aires, 1962), 175-179; ; Thomas Whigham, “Paraguay’s Pueblos de Indios: Echoes of a Missionary Past,” in Erick Langer and Robert H. Jackson, eds., The New Latin American Mission History (Lincoln, 1995), 168; ; Pablo Hernandez, S.J., Organizacion social de las Doctrinas Guaranies de la Compania de Jesus, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1913), vol 2, 616-617; “Empadronamiento de las Treinta Pueblos de Misiones, por el Coronel Don Marcos de Larrazabal,” 1772. Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires, “Empadronamiento de Misiones,” Sala 9-18-8-4.

 

 

 

 

 

Table A5: Population of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay, 1796-1802

Mission

1796

1801

1802

Guazu

 864

  712

 891

La Fe

1144

1233

1113

S Rosa

1013

1261

1193

Santiago

1097

1262

1322

Itapua

2095

2131

1789

Candelaria

1356

1343

1334

S Cosme

1038

  860

 850

S Ana

2471

1293

1464

Loreto

1095

1164

1046

SI Mini

 

  906

 921

Corpus

 

2335

2443

Trinidad

1017

  877

 851

Jesus

1185

1036

 700

S Carlos

 

1013

1010

S Jose

 

  865

 803

Aposteles

 

1914

1058

Concepcion

 

1127

 975

Martires

 

  708

 605

La Mayor

1383

  559

 573

S Javier

 

  959

1036

S Nicolas

 

2406

 

S Luis

 

2776

 

S Lorenzo

 

1037

 

S Miguel

 

1664

 

S Juan

 

1292

 

Sto Angel

 

1092

 

S Thome

 

1786

1835

San Borja

 

2413

 

La Cruz

 

3238

3458

Yapeyu

 

4948

4669

Source: Ernesto Maeder, “La poblacion de las misiones de Guaranies (1641-1682). Reubicacion de los pueblos y consecuencias demograficas,” Estudos Ibero-Americanos 15:1 (June 1989), 49-80.  ,” ; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in   Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997 (Quito, 1997), 45-57; Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, S.J., Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies (Buenos Aires, 1962), 175-179; ; Thomas Whigham, “Paraguay’s Pueblos de Indios: Echoes of a Missionary Past,” in Erick Langer and Robert H. Jackson, eds., The New Latin American Mission History (Lincoln, 1995), 168; ; Pablo Hernandez, S.J., Organizacion social de las Doctrinas Guaranies de la Compania de Jesus, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1913), vol 2, 616-617; “Empadronamiento de las Treinta Pueblos de Misiones, por el Coronel Don Marcos de Larrazabal,” 1772. Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires, “Empadronamiento de Misiones,” Sala 9-18-8-4.

 

 

Table A6: Crude Birth and Death Rates per Thousand Population in 1733 & 1736

 

Mission

1733

CBR*

1733

CDR*

1736

CBR

1736

CDR

Guasu

49.5

 56.5

35.3

 33.5

La Fe

86.1

 40.7

49.5

 28.8

S Rosa

76.2

 49.1

55.6

 44.9

Santiago

33.1

 22.5

48.2

 36.8

Itapua

53.3

 18.9

50.0

 43.8

Candelaria

43.2

 53.2

45.5

 50.2

S Cosme

 

46.9

 

 15.4

 

28.9

 

100.8

S Ana

55.3

 26.2

33.8

 79.6

Loreto

92.8

 31.3

25.2

239.2

S I Mini

84.9

 39.3

24.6

169.8

Corpus

69.4

 25.1

28.0

 88.2

Trinidad

43.7

 50.3

45.9

 72.2

Jesus

56.8

121.1

47.0

57.6

S Carlos

44.5

 70.8

62.1

 74.6

S Jose

43.4

 93.7

38.3

 84.1

Aposteles

27.2

 60.0

58.7

 41.5

Concepcion

41.1

 55.5

48.1

 47.3

Martires

51.2

124.2

55.0

 58.3

La Mayor

48.6

133.3

33.1

 91.3

S Javier

33.1

115.5

42.1

 94.2

S Nicolas

64.1

103.5

32.9

103.9

S Luis

42.5

148.9

35.6

 56.7

S Lorenzo

36.3

 99.9

34.2

 50.0

S Miguel

30.1

110.4

53.0

 32.4

S Juan

42.1

 94.7

39.4

 43.5

Stos Ang.

38.3

 66.3

44.7

 48.7

S Tome

63.3

 57.6

56.1

 54.8

S Borja

38.0

 92.8

56.1

 49.1

La Cruz

52.8

174.5

73.2

 47.1

Yapeyu

56.4

126.8

96.0

 40.5

*Estimated.

Source: Individual annual censuses of the Jesuit missions for 1724, 1733, 1736, 1739, 1740, 1741, 1744, and1745, titled “Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Parana Ano; Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Uruguay; Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires; ; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in   Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997 (Quito, 1997), 45-57.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table A7: Crude Birth and Death Rates per Thousand Population in 1739 & 1740

 

Mission

1739

CBR

1739

CDR

1740

CBR

1740

CDR

Guasu

 84.5

 47.7

 68.2

 56.5

La Fe

106.5

 53.3

 86.1

 40.7

S Rosa

 68.9

 44.9

 76.2

 49.1

Santiago

 51.2

 24.3

 33.1

 22.5

Itapua

 52.0

 97.4

 53.3

 18.9

Candelaria

 96.6

 52.3

 43.2

 53.2

S Cosme

 32.7

 37.6

 46.9

 15.4

S Ana

 60.8

 28.3

 55.3

 26.2

Loreto

 63.6

 30.0

 92.8

 31.3

S I Mini

 58.4

118.0

 84.9

 39.3

Corpus

 73.6

 28.9

 69.4

 25.1

Trinidad

 53.7

115.4

 43.7

 50.3

Jesus

 81.5

 50.0

 49.4

 31.6

S Carlos

 11.4

 12.2

 88.0

 32.3

S Jose

 29.5

47.4

 86.7

 20.9

Aposteles

 26.6

 25.1

 79.1

 22.4

Concepcion

  7.1

 35.0

 64.1

 27.0

Martires

 40.9

184.2

 61.2

 34.2

La Mayor

 39.6

565.4

 85.8

 23.9

S Javier

 34.7

 37.3

 74.3

 22.2

S Nicolas

 10.7

336.8

120.8

 50.2

S Luis

 20.3

565.1

 87.0

 36.0

S Lorenzo

 33.2

556.9

 46.2

 50.3

S Miguel

 47.8

 32.3

 52.9

 20.3

S Juan

 64.5

 75.0

 14.4

485.0

Stos Ang.

 52.4

 52.4

 46.3

 27.1

S Tome

 30.4

230.8

113.6

 19.4

S Borja

 46.4

 43.0

 58.3

 21.0

La Cruz

 16.9

416.6

 88.1

 85.8

Yapeyu

 73.8

 38.5

 68.8

 37.5

Source: Individual annual censuses of the Jesuit missions for 1724, 1733, 1736, 1739, 1740, 1741, 1744, and1745, titled “Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Parana Ano; Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Uruguay; Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires; ; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in   Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997 (Quito, 1997), 45-57.

 

 

 

 

 

Table A8: Crude Birth and Death Rates per Thousand Population in 1741 & 1745

 

Mission

1741

CBR

1741

CDR

1745

CBR

1745

CDR

Guasu

112.5

54

  73.1

72.6

La Fe

109.9

40.8

  98.3

39.5

S Rosa

  93.3

59.3

  84.3

41.5

Santiago

  54.0

24.5

  59.0

24.4

Itapua

  67.5

45.4

  75.2

48.5

Candelaria

  49.3

68.0

  86.7

53.9

S Cosme

  51.3

31.4

  65.3

36.2

S Ana

  74.1

57.1

  55.7

24.5

Loreto

  93.1

50.8

  69.9

36.9

S I Mini

  93.1

82.8

  85.7

71.2

Corpus

  97.2

55.6

  78.1

11.7

Trinidad

  54.7

46.3

  66.4

47.2

Jesus

  75.1

77.3

  66.7

45.9

S Carlos

  62.3

24.6

  78.4

47.7

S Jose

  48.2

38.9

  75.9

32.6

Aposteles

  52.2

34.8

  67.9

43.8

Concepcion

  52.5

26.8

  44.0

24.4

Martires

  67.9

56.6

  60.0

49.8

La Mayor

  95.2

40.3

144.0

64.5

S Javier

  63.7

31.9

  64.4

39.6

S Nicolas

  83.9

36.9

  95.9

83.7

S Luis

  70.2

27.7

  71.8

49.5

S Lorenzo

  60.5

27.3

  89.0

45.8

S Miguel

  63.3

25.7

  50.8

40.4

S Juan

108.7

31.3

  60.1

25.0

Stos Ang.

  56.4

37.9

  60.9

60.0

S Tome

103.6

27.0

  78.9

30.0

S Borja

  58.3

24.6

  53.8

65.8

La Cruz

  30.8

20.7

  68.9

43.7

Yapeyu

  76.0

35.6

  70.6

50.6

Source: Individual annual censuses of the Jesuit missions for 1724, 1733, 1736, 1739, 1740, 1741, 1744, and1745, titled “Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Parana Ano; Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Uruguay; Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires; ; Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in   Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997 (Quito, 1997), 45-57.

 

 

 

 

 

Table A9: Crude Birth and Death Rates per Thousand Population in the Guarani Missions, 1691-1766

Year

CBR

CDR

Year

CBR

CDR

1691

60

 34

1747

70

 43

1694

65

 40

1748

66

 43

1707

65

 50

1749

71

 84

1708

73

 47

1750

71

 40

1729

68

 38

1751

65

 43

1732

55

 48

1752

60

 40

1733

41

133

1753

63

 35

1736

46

 72

1754

65

 41

1737

47

 26

1755

66

 42

1738

44

172

1756

47

 40

1739

38

140

1758

53

 54

1740

61

 61

1762

51

 47

1741

77

 43

1763

48

 60

1742

71

 55

1764

51

135

1743

76

 45

1765

45

 92

1744

71

 43

1766

52

 47

1745

70

 44

 

 

 

1746

74

 45

 

 

 

Source: Ernesto Maeder, “Fuentes Jesuiticas de informacion demografrica misional para los siglos XVll y XVlll,” in ,” in Dora Celton, coordinator,  Fuentes utiles para lose studios de la poblacion Americana: Simposio del 49o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Quito 1997. (Quito, 1997).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table A10: Females as a Percentage of the Total Population of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay 1724. 1733, 1739, and 1745

Mission

1724

1733

1739

1745

Guazu

49.4

49.6

55.3

54.1

N S la Fe

51.4

43.9

38.3

51.3

Santa Rosa

50.0

54.5

55.0

51.8

Santiago

50.3

49.4

49.6

48.8

Ytapua

58.1

54.4

55.5

53.8

Candelaria

55.1

55.2

54.2

55.1

San Cosme

53.0

53.4

54.4

53.1

Santa Ana

51.2

52.2

43.0

49.8

Loreto

53.1

49.9

52.0

52.3

S Ignacio

52.1

50.6

57.3

54.4

Corpus Christi

52.2

50.9

52.2

51.3

Trinidad

54.6

53.1

55.1

50.3

Jesus

51.5

51.5

49.0

49.4

San Carlos

55.7

58.7

61.0

55.7

San Jose

54.7

53.3

55.7

54.5

Aposteles

50.9

53.1

55.7

54.5

Concepcion

63.7

52.1

49.7

52.4

Martires

45.0

53.1

51.9

51.6

Sta Maria

52.7

52.4

54.5

52.2

S F Xavier

52.7

52.4

56.9

55.0

San Nicolas

52.1

52.5

57.6

54.0

San Luis

53.3

50.8

53.8

53.0

San Lorenzo

52.4

52.1

50.1

51.9

San Miguel

51.4

51.1

45.9

50.5

San Juan

52.1

51.5

54.4

50.7

Santo Angel

49.4

51.6

49.9

51.3

S Thome

68.1

56.3

57.0

53.6

S F de Borja

53.8

57.0

55.1

55.7

Las Cruz

55.5

53.3

53.9

54.4

Yapeyu

53.8

52.4

61.8

51.5

Source: Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doct. Del Rio Parana/del Rio Uruguay Ano 1724, Archivo Nacional, Asuncion, Paraguay; Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doct. Del Rio Parana/del Rio Uruguay Ano 1733, Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires, Argentina; Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doct. Del Rio Parana/del Rio Uruguay Ano 1739, Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires, Argentina; Catologo de la numeracion annual de las Doct. Del Rio Parana/del Rio Uruguay Ano 1745,  Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Notes